CLEVELAND, OH – So far none of the Caucasians seeking the 3000 signatures needed to get on the ballot for mayor of Cleveland have delivered petitions to the Cuyahoga County Board of Elections. American Negroes Zack Reed, Justin Bibb and State Senator Sandra Williams have filed. There have been no filings, yet, from Irish Catholic Cleveland council president Kevin Kelley or former United States Representative and Croatia Dennis Kucinich.
Sources say former Cleveland Clerk of Court Benny Bonnano, an Italian American, has a team circulating petitions on the west side as a possible “sneak” entry into the race. Voters will know for sure he’s a candidate if Bonanno delivers petitions by the June 16, 2021 filing deadline.
Ward 7 councilman and former South Euclid and Cleveland Heights resident Basheer Jones has not filed … either. The word on the streets is they’re all having a hard time collecting signatures. Voters can only sign one petition. Jones is the first councilman in Cleveland history voters tried to recall three times during his first year in office.
Cleveland’s politics is unlike that of many other American cities because of the large number of foreign-ancestried and foreign-born residents living in and around it. It’s a town as “balkanized” or divided as some of the Eastern European nations from which the majority of Caucasians living in the city have ancestral ties.
Unlike the nation’s southern states and Ohio’s southern cities, Cleveland is very “Eastern European” ethnic and less White Anglo Saxon Protestant. The Eastern European ethnics in the area didn’t leave their old country divisions, class conflicts, fondness for Communist labor unions and ethno-religious wars behind.
They didn’t assimilate as they were advised by President Woodrow Wilson in 1917. They brought their Third World conflicts and “don’t come into my neighborhood” ethnic divisions to the United States of America. It explains why the Caucasian candidates in Cleveland don’t really have a “White vote” they can count on to win. From the perspective of playing to a “political base” Caucasians with Eastern European roots are too ethnically divided to have one.
The late David Brennan, an Akron attorney and the founder of Hope Academy / Lifeskills charter schools, told this writer that as an Irish Catholic their political mantra when voting is to look for the Irish Catholic candidate first and then the Catholic and the Democrat when voting. Brennan’s board chairman, Robert C. Townsend, II, supported this writer and publisher’s Cleveland Challenger newspaper with full page advertisements from 2002 through 2005 before my election as East Cleveland’s mayor.
Cleveland’s population estimate for the 2020 census is roughly 380,000. Since 1980 the city’s American Negro population has been near or exceeded 50 percent. With an historical 11 percent undercount of American Negro citizens since World War II, a U.S. Census official with former President William Jefferson Clinton’s administration, Everett Ehrlich, told this writer that a true count of Cleveland’s population would show the American Negro population in 2000 at or exceeding 60 percent.
Even using the 2020 Census estimate of 380,000 that’s 190,000 “plus” American Negroes at 50 percent. Following American Negroes the city’s major ethnic groups include German (9.2%), Irish (8.2%), Poles (4.8%), Italians (4.6%), and English (2.8%). The non-major ethnic groups are French, Wales, Scots, Croatian, Serbian, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Russian, Hungarian and more. Cleveland is not a “majority minority” city. It’s majority American Negro like in Atlanta, Georgia.
4.5% of Cleveland’s population is foreign-born as of 2020. 41% of the 4.5 percent were born in Europe, 29% of the 4.5 percent were born in Asia, 22% born of the 4.5 percent were born in Latin America, 5% of the 4.5 percent were born in Africa and 1.9% of the 4.5 percent in the North America that includes Canada and Nova Scotia. Mexicans and Puerto Ricans make up roughly 10 percent of Cleveland’s population.
Without support from the American Negro voter there is no Caucasian candidate with an ethnic political base large enough in Cleveland to prevail over a strong American Negro candidate. None of the Caucasian candidates seeking the job has an affiliation or friendly history with the city’s largest ethnic demographic as they’ve played to their ethnic political bases and not the larger community.
Kelley is Irish Catholic with relatives from the southern part of Ireland; but half the city’s 32,000 Irish are Irish Protestant from the northern part of that foreign nation. Anyone familiar with Ireland’s political history knows Irish Protestants and Irish Catholics have been at war with each other and it’s spilled over into U.S. politics.
There’s a racist ordinance on Cleveland’s books right now that requires contractors to identify if they’re doing business with the northern or Protestant part of Ireland that Kelley has not sought to repeal. It’s one of the reasons British Petroleum left the city and the headquarters the corporation built on Public Square.
British Petroleum purchased Standard Oil founded by White Anglo Saxon Protestant John David Rockefeller, Sr. The world’s first billionaire lived in East Cleveland and was a Christian abolitionist. The last 28 years of Rockefeller’s life were spent as the only Caucasian member of the Ormond Baptist Church in Florida.
Foreign politics that had nothing to do with America drove his company out of Cleveland and cost Clevelanders with no interest in Irish politics jobs and opportunities. All that Irish Republican Army Sinn Fein bullshit should have been left in Ireland.
Kucinich is Croatian and the late United States Senator and Cleveland Mayor George Voinovich was Serbian. The Croatians and the Polish operated the Nazi extermination camps for Adolf Hitler during World War II; and the Catholic churches in the city hid fleeing World War II Nazi war criminals in them. More than 230,000 of Voinovich’s Serbian countrymen were “holocausted” by Croatian Nazis known as the Ustase along with 35,000 Roma Gypsies and 30,000 Russian, Polish and Ukrainian Jews.
There are no pictures of Kucinich and Voinovich that I’ve ever found or seen of them shaking hands even though both men are Caucasian and have surnames that end in “ich.” In Congress both advocated for the political interests of their ancestral homelands which placed them in eternal conflict with each other … politically.
Kucinich didn’t fare well in the Plain Dealer after Serbian Alex Machaskee became its publisher. From Voinovich’s and Machaskee’s perspective, Kucinich’s people exterminated members of their “back home” family.
The late Cleveland Mayor Carl Burton Stokes told me Machaskee and Voinovich’s mothers were “cousins” from the same Serbian village. I was the last journalist to interview Stokes before his death. The story was published in my Political Reporter in 1996. We hung out on Prospect Avenue at the hat store across the street from Mike the Hatter while he was sick with cancer and was purchasing a hat.
Kucinich is also known for his two appearances on Russia Today or RT as a guest who blamed the United States government he was supposed to loyally serve for working against Russian interests. RT is the Russian Federation’s English-language propaganda television network registered with the United States Department of Justice as foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The Kremlin’s television network is known for paying its “American” guests.
Kucinich’s top congressional office aide, a Russian ethnic named Rick Nagin, was once chairman of the outlawed Ohio Communist Party. Nagin is now a Communist masquerading as a Democrat as his affiliation with the Communist Party violated the National Security Act of 1950.
Ukrainian John Demjanjuk or “Ivan the Terrible” is notorious in Cleveland history for hiding here after World War II while building a family and working at the Ford Motor Company plant in Brookpark. Demjanjuk served in the Red army at the Trawniki concentration camp, the Sobidor extermination camp and the Treblinka extermination camp in Poland. The Poles were prominent in Hitler’s Wehrmact and the largest number of Poles and Slovenians in America immigrated to Chicago and Cleveland.
The majority of Russian, Polish and Ukrainian Jews in the Cleveland area are not Nazi death camp or Holocaust survivors since some arrived here after the Civil War ended in 1865. Former Forest City Enterprises chairman Albert Ratner’s Russian father and uncles arrived in the United States of America, illegally, beginning in 1905 long before Hitler’s rise to power. Hitler was 16 years of age when Charles Ratner aka Kalman Ratowzer arrived in our nation from Russia under a fake name and with fake documents.
It’s this torturous and bloody history of Eastern European politics brought to Cleveland that doesn’t lead to a unified “white vote” in northern cities that is not the same in the more WASP-controlled south. Eastern Europeans have a more “pure blood” consciousness in a nation where WASP’s and American Negroes have co-mingled bloodlines for over 400 years. Under the “one drop rule” there’s an estimated 280 million American Negroes in the USA.
What has been a reality of Cleveland politics since then State Senator Michael Reed White challenged Voinovich for mayor, and the Serbian politician decided not to seek re-election, is that either one or both of the leading candidates to serve as the city’s chief law enforcement officer has been an American Negro. Bonnano was a mayoral candidate in 1989 along with Irish Catholic Tim Hagan and Slovenian Ralph Perk, Jr.
I told White in 1989 that the numbers showed how the race in the general election would be between him and then Cleveland city council President George L. Forbes. White, initially, thought Bonanno would pick up the “White vote” to compete against Forbes. As one of his advisors during that campaign I recommended that he back off his attacks on the Cuyahoga Metropolitan Housing Authority because he was becoming a “one issue” candidate. I encouraged him to spend more time cultivating the west side vote.
When he invited me to his first campaign organizational meeting White wanted to know how I got more west side than east side votes during my 1983 campaign for a seat on the Cleveland school board. As a Clevelander who’d lived on both sides of the city I knew the west side wasn’t as “White” as it was being portrayed. My estimates then and now are that the city’s west side is at least 30 percent American Negro. I also understood the ethnic divisions between Caucasians and found support from white voters who didn’t have an ethnic or religious candidate they felt compelled to support.
When White decided not to seek re-election in 2001 I’d just left his administration as a special assistant and was working as the editor in chief of Cleveland Life. The Plain Dealer’s Brent Larkin ranked the leading candidates as being Jane Campbell, Tim McCormack, William Denihan with American Negro attorney Raymond Pierce placing dead last. I’d predicted a race between Pierce and Campbell.
Rev. Otis Moss of Olivet Institutional Baptist Church played the role of a political spoiler when he spoke in a radio commercial for Campbell telling American Negroes not to judge her by the color of her skin; and that her mother had been affiliated with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. The church she attended had done nothing more than invite King to speak and Campbell, at 12, participated in a ceremonial “march” after the service. With his help and that of political strategist Angela Woodson, enough American Negro voters crossed the line to give her a one-term victory.
Woodson didn’t get a job and Campbell’s only American Negro cabinet hire was attorney James Draper as safety director. She later gave Rodney Jenkins a job as community relations director for which she fired him for allegedly sexually harassing Lorna Wisham. She gave Wisham the job Jenkins held.
Campbell became a one term mayor to then Cleveland council President Frank Jackson because of her hiring practices and the way she allowed police to terrorize American Negroes, Puerto Ricans and ethnic Caucasians like an unarmed Stanley Strnad. Strnad was shot four times in the back by Daniel Jopek.
The Campbell administration’s reckless management of the city’s police department resulted in two federal investigations for uses of deadly force and the mistreatment of American citizens in the city’s jails. While she was propped up by the Plain Dealer and the television news stations, I published over 1 million copies of Cleveland Challenger during her administration that highlighted her mismanagement. By the time Jackson campaigned against her in 2005 it was “anybody but Jane.” Jackson has kept the mayor’s job in the hands of an American Negro since 2006.
In the 2017 campaign for Cleveland mayor, one where I was a candidate, the top three candidates were American Negroes and Jackson faced off against Reed. Now Reed is the front runner to replace Jackson while Williams and Bibb are battling for the second spot.
From a pure ethnic perspective, I see absolutely no path to a victory based on the numbers for Kelley, Kucinich or Bonanno (if he enters the race) to win. None of the three Caucasians have the popularity or political support to split the American Negro vote; and the city’s American Negro majority has no interest in risking another Campbell.
Kelley is also offensive to other Caucasians for his voter suppressing role in criminally-obstructing two referendums. Each time he pissed off over 22,000 registered Cleveland voters who’d signed petitions to challenge council’s decision to invest $88 million to renovate the Quicken Loans Arena for Dan Gilbert; and another more than 20,000 voters who wanted to reduce the size of council and shrink the legislative authority’s pay.