Youngstown’s Omarosa busts her boy Trump with tapes of lies

When Lara Trump reached out to Omarosa Manigault-Newman with the offer of a $15,000 a month do-nothing campaign job in exchange for her silence about the federal felony law violations she witnessed in the White House, the ex-Trump aide believes the President of the United States’ daughter-in-law was obstructing justice.  

Youngstown, Ohio native Omarosa’s statements have been consistent in that she witnessed, reported and continues to report the information she has about felony violations of law by President Donald Trump, Sarah Huckabee-Sanders and other members of the White House staff.  Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. 4 it is  a felony to have knowledge of  a felony and not report it to a judicial authority, Omarosa had and has no choice but to share what she knows or be accused of “misprision.”

“Whoever, having knowledge of the actual commission of a felony cognizable by a court of the United States, conceals and does not as soon as possible make known the same to some judge or other person in civil or military authority under the United States, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than three years, or both.”

It’s why the non-disclosure agreement Lara Trump wanted Omarosa to sign isn’t worth the paper it’s written on.  The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) agrees.

“Public employees can’t be gagged by private agreements. These so-called NDAs are unconstitutional and unenforceable,” said Ben Wizner, director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project.

Lara Trump made a FOX appearance on her father-in-law’s buddy’s show, Sean Hannity, to protect the family name from being branded as criminal by Omarosa Manigault-Newman.

The non-disclosure agreement doesn’t supersede federal laws.  The Supreme Court of the United States has ruled that criminal speech connected to criminal conduct is not protected under the 1st Amendment.  This issue was settled with Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665 (1972). “ … concealment of crime and agreements to do so” are not entitled to “First Amendment protection.” Pet. App. 14a (quoting Branzburg, 408 U.S. at 697).

Federal prosecutors used 18 U.S.C. 4 to prosecute the late Judge Richard Baumgartner of Knoxville, Tennessee on five counts of violating the federal law in 2012.  The judge was prosecuted for using his office to enlist the help of other judges to do favors for a woman who supplied him with drugs and sex.

Richard Baumgartner is the late Knoxville, Tennessee judge who federal prosecutors prosecuted for failing to report felony offenses.

Baumgartner inserted non-existence language in the statute that the crime had to be witnessed by a federal official.  He argued that telling violated his 1st Amendment right.  Neither the jury nor the court bought his arguments.  He lost and was sentenced to three years in prison.

Lara Trump’s bribe offer in exchange for her signature on a non-disclosure agreement from the Trump presidential campaign shows the extent to which the president has co-mingled his business and campaign practices with the duties of the “office” he holds. 

In his official capacity as “president” it’s Trump’s mandatory duty pursuant to Article 2, Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution to, “take care that the laws be faithfully executed …”  That section of the U.S. Constitution puts the same “misprision” burden on Trump to report felonies he has knowledge of as it does Omarosa, Huckabee-Sanders and everyone else on his staff.  

If he were acting within the authority of the “office” of “president” Trump would be asking U.S. Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions to investigate daughter-in-law Lara for her bribe offer to Omarosa.  The fact he won’t serves as an admission to his own misprision violations and provides further evidence of  co-mingling his personal interests with the “office” of president. 

Omarosa has clearly stated that she witnessed “crimes” being committed by the president and his administrative aides.  The entire investigation of Special Counsel Robert Mueller is based on discovering and examining the criminal acts Trump, his relatives and others have committed in the performance of official duties; and that the non-disclosure agreements sought and seek to conceal in violation of 18 U.S.C. 4. 

Trump has claimed there is no “collusion” or “obstruction.”  Lara Trump’s offer to Omarosa clearly provides evidence of “collusion” between the campaign and the White House: just as her $15,000 a month bribe in exchange for silence sought to obstruct Omarosa from telling about the criminal acts she witnessed.

Affirmation that former federal employees like Sean Spicer signed private non-disclosure agreements with the Trump “campaign” to remain silent about the federal felonies they witnessed in exchange for payment has raised the commitment of an investigation rquest from U.S. Rep. Elijah Cummings, according to reporter April Ryan of American Urban Radio Networks.  

Congress needs to know if Trump employees who testified before them withheld information and lied because they’d signed a non-disclosure agreement not to tell.  If they lied Trump’s employees violated 18 U.S.C. 1001.  It’s a federal law about “statements or entries generally.”

(“a) Except as otherwise provided in this section, whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of the executive, legislative, or judicial branch of t

Sarah Huckabee Sanders “lies to the American people everyday” said Omarosa Manigault-Newman.

he Government of the United States, knowingly and willfully—(1) falsifies, conceals, or covers up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact; (2) makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation; or (3) makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry; shall be fined under this title, imprisoned not more than 5 years or, if the offense involves international or domestic terrorism (as defined in section 2331), imprisoned not more than 8 years, or both. If the matter relates to an offense under chapter 109A, 109B, 110, or 117, or section 1591, then the term of imprisonment imposed under this section shall be not more than 8 years.”

Trump and his team of White House administrators have obviously not read the United States Code he’s supposed to enforce. The non-disclosure agreements serve as evidence he’s brought his personal and “justice obstructing” business practices to the White House and co-mingled them with the Constitutional duties of the office.  

Special Counsel Mueller is a “person in civil authority under the United States.”  So is every federal judge and U.S. Attorney in the nation who’s seen, heard and read her well-publicized statements accusing federal officials connected to Trump of committing and concealing felony acts.  The plain language of 18 U.S.C 4 is that whoever has knowledge of felony being committed within the jurisdiction of a court is concealing it if they don’t report it.

Whatever knowledge Omarosa or even Sean Spicer and Sarah Huckabee Sanders possesses or possessed about the commission of felonies in the White House must be told.  Failure to tell is an act of concealment and it makes the person with the concealed knowledge a felon.

Omarosa in sending a message to Trump told him he has met his match.   On NBC news she told reporter Craig Melvin that she was blowing the whistle on the corruption she witnessed in the Trump family, in the White House and in the campaign.  All three are separate and legally distinct.  Everyone seems to have forgotten that Omarosa is an attorney.

Omarosa has specifically stated that she personally knows Trump knew of the Hillary Clinton emails before they were released.  When asked by NBC’s Katie Turr “he knew what was coming out about the DNC email before Wikileaks released them” and Omarosa said, “Yes.  Absolutely.”

Trump has said he didn’t.  Omarosa said she has proof of every claim and that one isn’t in her book, “Unhinged: An Insiders Look At The Trump White House.”

She’s sharing that information with Mueller.

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Eric Jonathan Brewer

Cleveland's most influential journalist and East Cleveland's most successful mayor is an East Saint Louis, Illinois native whose father led the city's petition drive in 1969 to elect the first black mayor in 1971. Eric is an old-school investigative reporter whose 40-year body of editorial work has been demonstrably effective. No local journalist is feared or respected more.

Trained in newspaper publishing by the legendary Call & Post Publisher William Otis Walker in 1978 when it was the nation's 5th largest Black-owned publication, Eric has published and edited 13 local, regional and statewide publications across Ohio. Adding to his publishing and reporting resume is Eric's career in government. Eric served as the city's highest paid part-time Special Assistant to ex-Cleveland Mayor Michael R. White. He served as Chief of Staff to ex-East Cleveland Mayor Emmanuel Onunwor; and Chief of Communications to the late George James in his capacity as the Cuyahoga Metropolitan Housing Authority's first Black executive director. Eric was appointed to serve as a member of the state's Financial Planning & Supervision Commission to guide the East Cleveland school district out of fiscal emergency and $20 million deficit. Former U.S. HUD Secretary Alphonso Jackson told Eric in his D.C. office he was the only mayor in the nation simultaneously-managing a municipal block grant program. Eric wrote the city's $2.2 million Neighborhood Stabilization Program grant application. A HUD Inspector General audit of his management of the block grant program resulted in "zero" audit findings.

As a newspaper publisher, Eric has used his insider's detailed knowledge of government and his publications to lead the FBI and state prosecutors to investigations that resulted in criminal prosecutions of well-known elected officials in Ohio; and have helped realign Cleveland's political landscape with the defeat of candidates and issues he's exposed. Eric's stories led to the indictments of the late Governor George Voinovich's brother, Paul Voinovich of the V Group, and four associates. He asked the FBI to investigate the mayor he'd served as chief of staff for public corruption; and testified in three federal trials for the prosecution. He forced former Cuyahoga County Coroner Dr. Elizabeth Balraj to admit her investigations of police killings were fraudulent; and to issue notices to local police that her investigators would control police killing investigations. Eric's current work has resulted in Cuyahoga County Judge John Russo accepting the criminal complaint he guided an activist to file against 24 civil rights-violating police officers in the city he once led for operating without valid peace officer credentials. USA Today reporters picked up on Eric's police credentials reporting from his social media page and made it national.

Eric is the author of of his first book, "Fight Police License Plate Spying," which examines the FBI and local police misuse of the National Crime Information Center criminal records history database. An accomplished trumpet player and singer whose friendship with Duke Fakir of the Four Tops resulted in his singing the show's closing song, "Can't Help Myself": Curtis Sliwa of New York's Guardian Angels counts Eric among his founding chapter leaders from the early 1980's role as an Ohio organizer of over 300 volunteer crime fighters in Cleveland, Columbus and Youngstown, Ohio. For his work as a young man Eric was recognized by Cleveland's Urban League as it's 1983 Young Man of the Year.

Known in Cleveland for his encyclopedic knowledge of government and history, and intimately-connected with the region's players, every local major media outlet in Cleveland has picked up on one of Eric's stories since 1979. There is no mainstream newspaper, television or radio outlet in Cleveland that does not include an interview with Eric Jonathan Brewer in its archives over the past 40 years.